This speech was delivered by Sergey Lavrov at the United Nations Security Council in New York on September 24, 2026 during the high-level week of the 81st UN General Assembly session (and subsequently uploaded by NDTV World on September 25, 2026).
The Three Documents
In international relations, these three documents serve distinct purposes:
- The Spoken Russian (Lavrov’s Oral Delivery): What the Foreign Minister physically spoke at the Security Council table. It includes off-the-cuff remarks, natural spoken Russian phrasing, and any deviations or additions he made live.
- The Faithful English Translation of the Spoken Russian: An exact English rendering of his spoken words, matching his spoken phrasing word-for-word rather than polishing it into formal prose.
- The Official Diplomatic Release (MFA / MID.ru Publication): The official English text issued directly by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MID). This represents the official, state-sanctioned policy record—the exact wording the Russian state stands behind in international archives.
Sheet 1: The Spoken Russian Text (Verbatim Transcript)
Уважаемый г-н Председатель,
Хотел бы начать с выражения признательности нашим западным коллеги, прежде всего европейским. Поясню: если бы не они, то ситуация на Украине оставалась бы «в подвисшем состоянии», а жители Крыма, Донбасса и Новороссии были бы лишены права на выбор.
Еще в 2004 году путем навязывания Украине незаконного третьего тура президентских выборов Брюссель решил внести полную «ясность» и потребовал от украинцев сделать выбор: либо с Россией, либо с Европой.
В 2013 году в Киеве были организованы беспорядки с требованием безотлагательно заключить Соглашение об ассоциации с ЕС, напрочь игнорируя обязательства Украины в рамках СНГ.
В феврале 2014 года в ходе переговоров между легитимным Президентом и оппозицией европейцы добились заключения Соглашения об урегулировании кризиса. Президент В.Ф. Янукович принял все выдвинутые ему условия, включая создание правительства национального единства и проведение досрочных выборов, а также категорический отказ обеих сторон от применения силы. Документ был подписан 21 февраля с официальными гарантиями Германии (Франк-Вальтер Штайнмайер), Польши (Радослав Сикорский) и Франции (Лоран Фабиус).
Однако в ночь на 22 февраля оппозиция растоптала эти гарантии и свои подписи, захватила правительственные здания и заявила, что будет формировать не правительство национального единства, а «правительство победителей». Почувствуйте разницу.
Что касается гарантов соглашения, растоптанного путчистами, то уже 23 февраля в Париже с восторгом объявили, что это начало демократического транзита, отвечающего чаяниям украинского народа. Затем подключились британцы, а Ангела Меркель заявила: «Нам необходимо оказать украинцам всю необходимую поддержку в их стремлении к свободе и демократии».
Получив карт-бланш от Запада, новые власти в Киеве сразу же объявили о цели отмены статуса русского языка, а в ответ на протесты жителей Крыма и Донбасса против кровавого госпереворота объявили их «террористами» и бросили против них армейские подразделения, авиацию и артиллерию. В результате в Крыму состоялся референдум о независимости от нацистского киевского режима и о воссоединении с Россией.
Если бы европейцы не занимались жульничеством и заставили оппозицию выполнять подписанные соглашения, то территориальная целостность Украины в границах 1991 года — о которых постоянно твердят Зеленский и его западные покровители — была бы сохранена. Но европейцы не смогли преодолеть свою нутряную фальшь и захотели добиться своих целей преступными методами.
Затем были Минские соглашения от 12 февраля 2015 года, поддержанные Берлином и Парижем и единогласно утвержденные Резолюцией СБ ООН 2202. Статья 25 Устава ООН гласит, что решения Совета Безопасности обязательны для исполнения всеми членами Организации. Однако президент Порошенко категорически отказался их выполнять, а Берлин и Париж продолжали его покрывать.
В декабре 2019 года на саммите «нормандской четверки» в Париже Зеленский пришел к власти под лозунгами установления мира и защиты русского языка. Там была принята декларация о необходимости неукоснительного выполнения Минских соглашений, включая закрепление в Конституции Украины особого статуса Донбасса. В этом статусе не было ничего сверхестественного — только право говорить на родном языке и местное самоуправление.
Если бы Минские соглашения 2015 года выполнялись, Украина и сегодня находилась бы в границах 1991 года (за исключением Крыма, этот вопрос закрыт окончательно). Но Европа этого не допустила. Как позже признались Меркель, Олланд и Порошенко, они и не собирались выполнять «Минск», а использовали его лишь для того, чтобы выиграть время и накачать Украину оружием.
В декабре 2021 года российские предложения по согласованию взаимных гарантий безопасности были высокомерно отвергнуты НАТО и администрацией Байдена. На практике велась подготовка к силовому захвату Киевом неконтролируемых территорий Донбасса. Чтобы предотвратить этот сценарий, в феврале 2022 года мы были вынуждены начать специальную военную операцию (СВО).
Через неделю украинская сторона запросила переговоры. После раундов в Беларуси и Стамбуле Украина предложила ключевые принципы урегулирования, которые были приняты нашими переговощиками: нейтральный статус Украины, признание реалий «на земле» и коллективные гарантии безопасности. Документ был парафирован обеими делегациями. Но затем премьер-министр Великобритании Борис Джонсон запретил Киеву подписывать обязывающий договор, и Европа согласилась с Лондоном.
Если бы то парафированное соглашение было оформлено в договор, Украина снова сохранила бы границы 1991 года, но уже без Крыма и части Донбасса.
Мы не намерены делать паузы в СВО на время переговоров. Европа хочет получить паузу лишь для того, чтобы перевести дух и пополнить арсеналы киевского режима, прямо использующего террористические методы. Цели СВО остаются неизменными: обеспечение интересов безопасности России и полная защита прав русского и русскоязычного населения на всей территории Украины.
Статья 1 Устава ООН требует уважения прав человека и основных свобод для всех, без различия расы, пола, языка и религии. Это требование не может быть предметом торга. Декларация 1970 года о принципах международного права четко устанавливает: принцип территориальной целостности применим только к государствам, соблюдающим равноправие и самоопределение народов и имеющим правительство, представляющее весь народ. Киевский режим не является таким правительством.
Благодарю за внимание.
Sheet 2: Direct Faithful English Translation of the Spoken Russian
Mr. President,
I would like to begin by expressing gratitude to our Western colleagues, primarily our European ones. Let me explain: if not for them, the situation in Ukraine would have remained “in limbo,” and the residents of Crimea, Donbas, and Novorossiya would have been deprived of the right to choose.
Back in 2004, by imposing on Ukraine an illegal third round of presidential elections, Brussels decided to bring complete “clarity” and demanded that Ukrainians make a choice: either with Russia or with Europe.
In 2013, disturbances were organized in Kyiv demanding the immediate conclusion of an Association Agreement with the EU, utterly ignoring Ukraine’s commitments within the CIS framework.
In February 2014, during negotiations between the legitimate President and the opposition, the Europeans achieved the conclusion of an Agreement on the Settlement of the Crisis. President Viktor Yanukovych accepted all conditions presented to him, including the creation of a government of national unity and the holding of early elections, as well as a strict rejection by both sides of the use of force. The document was signed on February 21 with official guarantees from Germany (Frank-Walter Steinmeier), Poland (Radosław Sikorski), and France (Laurent Fabius).
However, on the night of February 22, the opposition trampled upon these guarantees and their own signatures, seized government buildings, and declared that they would form not a government of national unity, but a “government of victors.” Feel the difference.
As for the guarantors of the agreement trampled upon by the putschists, on February 23 in Paris, they enthusiastically declared that this was the start of a democratic transition meeting the aspirations of the Ukrainian people. Then the British joined in, and Angela Merkel declared: “We need to provide Ukrainians with all necessary support in their strive for freedom and democracy.”
Given carte blanche by the West, the new authorities in Kyiv immediately declared the goal of canceling the status of the Russian language, and in response to the protests of residents in Crimea and Donbas against the bloody coup, declared them “terrorists” and threw army units, aviation, and artillery against them. As a result, a referendum on independence from the Nazi Kyiv regime and on reunification with Russia was held in Crimea.
If the Europeans had not engaged in cheating and had forced the opposition to carry out the signed agreements, the territorial integrity of Ukraine within the 1991 borders—which Zelenskyy and his Western patrons constantly keep repeating—would have been preserved. But the Europeans could not overcome their innate deceit and wanted to achieve their goals through criminal methods.
Then came the Minsk Agreements of February 12, 2015, supported by Berlin and Paris and unanimously approved by UN Security Council Resolution 2202. Article 25 of the UN Charter states that decisions of the Security Council are mandatory for implementation by all members of the Organization. However, President Poroshenko categorically refused to execute them, while Berlin and Paris continued to cover for him.
In December 2019, at the Normandy Four summit in Paris, Zelenskyy came to power under slogans of establishing peace and protecting the Russian language. A declaration was adopted there on the need for strict compliance with the Minsk Agreements, including enshrining a special status for Donbas in the Constitution of Ukraine. There was nothing supernatural in this status—only the right to speak one’s native language and local self-government.
If the 2015 Minsk Agreements had been implemented, Ukraine today would still be within the 1991 borders (with the exception of Crimea, that issue is closed permanently). But Europe did not allow this. As Merkel, Hollande, and Poroshenko later admitted, they never intended to fulfill “Minsk,” but used it merely to buy time and pump Ukraine with weapons.
In December 2021, Russian proposals to agree on mutual security guarantees were haughtily rejected by NATO and the Biden administration. In practice, preparations were underway for Kyiv to seize the uncontrolled territories of Donbas by force. To prevent this scenario, in February 2022, we were compelled to launch the Special Military Operation (SMO).
A week later, the Ukrainian side requested negotiations. After rounds in Belarus and Istanbul, Ukraine proposed key principles for a settlement that were accepted by our negotiators: neutral status for Ukraine, recognition of realities “on the ground,” and collective security guarantees. The document was initialed by both delegations. But then UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson forbade Kyiv from signing a binding treaty, and Europe agreed with London.
If that initialed agreement had been formalized into a treaty, Ukraine once again would have retained its 1991 borders, but without Crimea and part of Donbas.
We do not intend to make pauses in the SMO during negotiations. Europe wants a pause merely to catch its breath and replenish the arsenals of the Kyiv regime, which directly uses terrorist methods. The goals of the SMO remain unchanged: ensuring Russia’s security interests and fully protecting the rights of the Russian and Russian-speaking population throughout the territory of Ukraine.
Article 1 of the UN Charter requires respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion. This requirement cannot be a subject of bargaining. The 1970 Declaration on Principles of International Law clearly establishes: the principle of territorial integrity applies only to states that respect equal rights and self-determination of peoples and have a government representing the entire population. The Kyiv regime is not such a government.
Thank you for your attention.
Sheet 3: The Official Russian Government English Release (MID.ru)
This is the official English text published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation on its official repository (mid.ru), representing the formal state record.
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s Remarks at a Meeting of the UN Security Council on Ukraine
(New York, September 23, 2026)
Mr President,
I would like to begin with expressing gratitude to our Western colleagues, primarily European ones. Let me explain. If not for them, the situation in Ukraine would have remained in limbo, and the people of Crimea, Donbass and Novorossiya would have been deprived of the right to choose.
Back in 2004, when Ukraine was forced to hold the illegal third round of presidential elections, Brussels decided to bring complete clarity and demanded that Ukrainians make a choice: to be either with Russia or with Europe.
In 2013, riots were organised in Kiev to demand the immediate conclusion of an Association Agreement with the EU, in blatant disregard of Ukraine’s commitments within the CIS framework.
In February 2014, during negotiations between the legitimate President and the opposition, European mediators brokered a Crisis Settlement Agreement. President Viktor Yanukovych accepted all the conditions presented to him, including the creation of a government of national unity and early elections, as well as a strict rejection of the use of force by either side. The document was signed on February 21 with official guarantees from Germany (Frank-Walter Steinmeier), Poland (Radoslaw Sikorski) and France (Laurent Fabius).
However, on the night of February 22, the opposition trampled upon those guarantees and their own signatures, seized government buildings, and declared that they were forming not a government of national unity, but a “government of victors.” Notice the difference.
As for the guarantors of the agreement trampled upon by the putschists, on February 23 in Paris, they enthusiastically declared that this was the start of a democratic transition meeting the aspirations of the Ukrainian people. Then the British got involved, while Angela Merkel declared that the West needed to provide full support for Ukraine’s “pursuit of freedom and democracy.”
The new authorities in Kiev, emboldened by the free hand granted by the West, immediately declared the goal of terminating the status of the Russian language, and responded to the protests of people in Crimea and Donbass against the bloody coup by denouncing them as terrorists and sending groups of armed fighters, military aviation, and artillery against them. As a result, a referendum on independence from the Nazi Kiev regime and reunification with Russia was held in Crimea.
Had the Europeans not engaged in cheating and had they forced the opposition to carry out the signed agreements, the territorial integrity of Ukraine within its 1991 borders—which Zelensky and his Western backers endlessly demand—would have been preserved. But the Europeans could not overcome their innate deceit, attempting to achieve their objectives through criminal methods.
Then came the Minsk Agreements of February 12, 2015, supported by Berlin and Paris and unanimously endorsed by UN Security Council Resolution 2202. Article 25 of the UN Charter explicitly mandates that Security Council decisions are binding upon all member states. Yet, President Poroshenko categorically refused to execute them, while Berlin and Paris shielded their proxy.
In December 2019, at the Normandy Four Summit in Paris, Zelensky came to power promising peace and protection for the Russian language. A joint declaration was adopted reaffirming the need to ensure strict compliance with the Minsk Agreements, including to enshrine the special status of certain Donbass areas in the Constitution of Ukraine. There was nothing supernatural in this status—simply the right to use the Russian language and exercise local self-governance.
Had the 2015 Minsk Agreements been implemented, Ukraine today would still be within its 1991 borders, except, of course, for Crimea, an issue that has long been settled. But Europe did not allow this. As Merkel, Hollande, and Poroshenko later admitted, they never intended to fulfill the Minsk agreements; they used them merely to buy time to militarise Ukraine.
In December 2021, Russia’s proposals to reach an agreement based on mutual respect for security interests were arrogantly rejected by NATO and the Biden administration. In practice, preparations were being made for Kiev to seize by force the territories of Donbass beyond its control. To prevent this scenario, we were compelled to launch the special military operation in February 2022.
A week later, the Ukrainian side requested negotiations. We agreed. After several rounds in Belarus and Istanbul, the Ukrainian side proposed key principles for a settlement, which our negotiators accepted. Crucially, these enshrined Ukraine’s neutral status, recognised the realities on the ground and provided collective security guarantees. The document was initialled by the Ukrainian and Russian delegations, but UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson intervened and forbade Kiev from signing a legally binding treaty. Europe complied with London’s directive.
Had that initialled agreement been formalised in a treaty and implemented, Ukraine would, once again, have retained its 1991 borders, but without Crimea and part of Donbass.
Russia is ready for negotiations to achieve a lasting and just peace, as President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly reaffirmed. However, having learned from bitter experience, we will not suspend the special military operation for the duration of negotiations. Europe seeks a pause solely to replenish the depleted arsenals of the Kiev regime, which openly resorts to terrorist methods. The objectives of the special military operation remain unchanged: guaranteeing Russia’s security interests and ensuring that all the rights of Russian and Russian speakers are fully respected throughout Ukraine.
Russia insists on the strict observance of Article 1 of the UN Charter, which requires all states to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. The 1970 Declaration on Principles of International Law clearly stipulates that the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity apply only to states that respect equal rights and self-determination of peoples, possessing a government representing all peoples. The Kiev regime cannot be regarded as such a government.
Thank you.